nexbetsports 1 The midfielder also discussed the team’s ambitions in the Champions League, where Inter Milan aims to make a mark and compete against Europe’s elite clubs. Parolo expressed confidence in the team’s ability to perform well in the Champions League, highlighting their strong mentality and determination to succeed on the big stage.

NoneKeita, a Guinea international, joined Liverpool in 2018 with high expectations following an impressive spell at RB Leipzig in the Bundesliga. However, injuries and fierce competition for places have limited his game time at Anfield, prompting the decision to seek regular first-team football elsewhere.Rosen Law Firm Encourages Zeta Global Holdings Corp. Investors to Inquire About Securities Class Action Investigation - ZETA

In conclusion, the power plant that is Jack Ma and Fan Luyuan's partnership continues to illuminate the landscape of the e-commerce industry and beyond. Their relentless pursuit of innovation, commitment to excellence, and unwavering dedication to their vision have solidified their status as icons of entrepreneurship. As the world watches in awe, the "Alibaba Flavor" that Jack Ma and Fan Luyuan have created is a testament to the transformative power of collaboration, creativity, and perseverance in the pursuit of greatness.The President ofthe Portuguese Republic Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa has sent a letterof condolences to the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan IlhamAliyev following the tragic loss of life in the plane crashinvolving the aircraft of Azerbaijan Airlines (AZAL) on December 25near the city of Aktau in Kazakhstan, reports. "Dear Mr. President, I was deeply saddened to learn of the tragic crash of AzerbaijanAirlines flight, which resulted in numerous casualties and manyinjured. In this moment of grief, I convey through you, on behalf of thePortuguese people and of my own, heartfelt condolences andsolidarity to the families of the victims and wishes for a speedyrecovery to those affected by this accident. Please accept, Your Excellency, the expression of my highestconsideration and personal esteem," the letter reads.Buenos Aires Herald editorial (en español a continuación) President Javier Milei’s administration feeds off social media, pouring huge amounts of resources and energy into disputing the shaping of public opinion with traditional media outlets. An operation based on edgy rhetoric claiming to merely utter uncomfortable truths silenced by “political correctness.” The problem with culture wars, however, is not their stated goal of challenging the status quo but how they exacerbate emotions and increase the potential for violence. We saw a clear example of this last weekend. A group of Milei’s officials, lawmakers, and activists launched Las Fuerzas del Cielo (The Forces of Heaven), a new radicalized group, in an event in San Miguel, Buenos Aires province. Dozens of people paraded across a dimly lit stage with vertical banners displaying fascist rhetoric like “God, country, home.” One sign read, “Argentina will be the lighthouse that will light the world,” a reference to a Mussolini summer retreat. They also sang against Kirchnerism and the “left.” Daniel Parisini, who posts on X under the moniker of El Gordo Dan (Fat Dan) and is part of the administration’s communication team, gave a passionate speech, calling themselves the government’s “armed wing.” The presentation was an aesthetic provocation devoid of any real political substance. Deadcatting to shift the topic of conversation to culture wars. And it’s working because the rally caused a massive outcry. It managed to incense the opposition and many parts of society, getting them to discuss this fascist cosplay over much more relevant topics like the brutal effects of the government’s policies on Argentine society. The fact that younger members of the Milei administration spearheaded the event and that no senior government officials were present reinforces the idea that this was an attention-farming effort. Children playing around while there were no adults in the room. The challenge, however, is to tread the fine line between not overlooking the gravity of this messaging and its bleak history while avoiding the bait. This type of operation is in line with the idea of permanent campaigning, which is an intrinsic part of contemporary politics. It is not the only smokescreen the government launched in the past few weeks: several La Libertad Avanza members (including Vice President Villarruel) have also accused four books included in Buenos Aires province school libraries — incidentally, all written by women — of being “pornographic.” This strategy can be successful in the short run insofar as it consolidates the government’s rhetoric. But it’s a fragile setup that can come tumbling down when bread-and-butter issues go unresolved. Argentine history is full of cautionary tales, where communication strategies like these ended up being useless due to poor results and could not prevent governments from losing elections. The Milei administration has tried to downplay this group’s proclamations, saying that the “weapons” they were referring to were actually cell phones. However, cases like Pizzagate in the United States remind us that there is a real risk that certain tactics intended for online combat can have consequences in the real world. We have already seen instances in which the government’s digital militia’s online violence has spilled onto the streets. This past week, two libertarian activists who work in a pizza parlor tried to assault scientists in Mendoza while yelling that they were “stealing from the state,” voicing a talking point Milei has used repeatedly. A Herald member who investigated a particularly ruthless online group with government ties was targeted in the real world with an attempted smear campaign. Someone opened a fake LLC in their name in the United States, and the online group’s ringleader accused them in a Twitter Space of being “dirty,” using the fake LLC’s existence to claim they were accepting bribes. It is clear that, in its efforts to do battle in the court of public opinion, the government is willing to use practices completely devoid of democratic principles. This strategy can be successful as long as the economy is working. The problems will arise if it begins to go south because a deepening of cultural wars is a direct path to authoritarianism. Militantes de LLA hacen cosplay fascista: ¿señal de alerta o maniobra de distracción? La presentación de un nuevo grupo radicalizado encabezado por los militantes jóvenes que apoyan al gobierno de Milei es una provocación pero también un desafío a los límites de la tolerancia y la democracia El gobierno de Milei es una máquina que se alimenta de las redes sociales. Allí destinan una gran cantidad de recursos y energía, en una estrategia que les permite disputar el sentido con los medios de comunicación tradicionales. Una operación basada en una retórica picante que dice estar meramente enunciando verdades incómodas silenciadas por la “corrección política”. El problema con la batalla cultural, sin embargo, no es el desafío del status quo, sino cómo exacerba emociones y va corriendo los límites de violencia. Esta semana hubo un ejemplo claro de esto. Un grupo de jóvenes dirigentes de LLA presentó hace una semana en la provincia de Buenos Aires un grupo que llamaron “Las fuerzas del cielo”. Decenas de dirigentes desfilaron sobre un escenario en penumbras plagado de referencias fascistas, con banderas que repetían las consignas “Dios, patria y hogar” y la leyenda “Argentina será el faro que ilumina el mundo”, una referencia a una residencia veraniega de Mussolini. También entonaron cánticos en contra del kirchnerismo y la “izquierda”. El Gordo Dan, uno twittero que es parte del aparato comunicacional del gobierno, dijo en un discurso encendido que ellos eran “el brazo armado” del gobierno. La presentación fue una provocación estética pero falta de densidad política. Una operación para correr el eje de discusión y para instalar lo que ellos llaman “batalla cultural”. Y les da resultado, porque el acto provocó un rechazo masivo. Lograron que la oposición y la sociedad civil discuta y se indigne por este cosplay fascista incluso por encima de otros temas muy relevantes, como los efectos sociales de las políticas económicas del gobierno. El hecho de que fuera comandado por los dirigentes más jóvenes de la LLA y no estuviera ningún ministro de primera línea del gobierno refuerza la idea de que fue una puesta en escena para generar atención. Un cosplay de niños aprovechando que los adultos no estaban. El desafío es recorrer la delgada línea entre no minimizar la gravedad del mensaje y los antecedentes que evoca, pero a la vez no caer en la provocación. La operación está en línea con la idea de la campaña permanente que ya es parte intrínseca de la política contemporánea. No es la única ofensiva que armaron en estas semanas: también están las acusaciones de “pornografía” que varios dirigentes de LLA (incluida la vicepresidenta) lanzaron contra cuatro libros escritos por mujeres incluidos en las bibliotecas escolares de la provincia de Buenos Aires. Es una estrategia que puede generar réditos en el corto plazo en tanto solidifica la narración de un gobierno, pero es frágil en tanto y en cuanto puede derrumbarse si los resultados materiales empiezan a escasear. En la Argentina tenemos antecedentes de este tipo de estrategias comunicacionales, que terminaron siendo fútiles por la mala performance del gobierno y no evitaron que eventualmente fueran eyectados del poder o perdieran elecciones. Desde el gobierno tratan de minimizar los objetivos de este grupo, diciendo que en realidad no buscan la violencia física y que las “armas” a las que se referían era en realidad el celular. Sin embargo, casos como el Pizzagate en Estados Unidos son antecedentes importantes que nos recuerdan el riesgo de que ciertas tácticas que se piensan para horadar al rival en la esfera virtual pueden tener consecuencias en el mundo real. Ya se han visto casos donde los ataques online de las milicias digitales del gobierno han traspasado las fronteras y se han convertido en hechos de violencia en las calles. En los últimos días se supo de un caso de dos militantes libertarios que atienden una pizzería que fueron a agredir a un grupo de científicos en Mendoza, repitiendo la consigna de que le están “robando al estado”, un argumento esgrimido hasta el cansancio por Milei. En el Herald tenemos a un compañero que investigó un grupo radicalizado dentro de estas milicias digitales y producto de ello intentaron montar una operación de desprestigio abriendo una sociedad falsa a su nombre en Estados Unidos. En un space de Twitter, el líder del grupo hizo pública la empresa falsa para acusarlo de “sucio”, y sentenció que “algún día van a tener que explicar eso”. Es evidente que en su camino de disputa por el sentido en la opinión pública están dispuestos a usar herramientas que no tienen ningún tipo de vínculo con prácticas democráticas. Mientras la economía siga bien, cosecharán apoyos. El problema puede agravarse si los resultados económicos se hacen más esquivos, porque una profundización de la batalla cultural es un camino directo al autoritarismo.

In the world of badminton, Zheng Siwei and Huang Yaqiong are a formidable mixed doubles pair who have achieved great success on the international stage. However, recently, it seems that Zheng Siwei has another goal in mind for his partner - marriage.Canada is already examining tariffs on certain US items following Trump's tariff threat

NoneSEOUL, Dec 27 (Reuters) - South Korea's acting president faces an impeachment vote as the Constitutional Court meets for its first hearing on Friday in the case of President Yoon Suk Yeol, who was impeached and suspended from duties after a short-lived martial law. The effort to impeach Prime Minister Han Duck-soo, who has been acting president since Yoon was impeached on Dec. 14, threatens to intensify the political crisis gripping Asia's fourth-largest economy and one of its most vibrant democracies. The unexpected martial law decree and swift political fallout shocked the nation and economic markets, unsettling key allies the United States and Europe which had seen Yoon as a staunch partner in global efforts to counter China, Russia, and North Korea. The plan for a vote to impeach Han was unveiled on Thursday by the main opposition Democratic Party after he declined to immediately appoint three justices to fill vacancies at the Constitutional Court , saying it would exceed his acting role. After Yoon's impeachment, the DP had said in the interest of national stability it would not pursue impeaching Han over his role in the martial law bid. But the party has since clashed with the Yoon-appointed prime minister over the justices, as well as bills calling for special prosecutors to investigate the president. On Thursday Han said it was beyond his remit as a caretaker president to appoint the justices without bipartisan agreement. A party spokesman said Han's refusal amounted to an abuse of power aimed at obstructing Yoon's trial, adding that the prime minister was himself "a key suspect in the rebellion". The leader of Yoon's People Power Party, Kwon Young-se, told reporters that if Han was impeached, that could trigger a new financial crisis, the Yonhap news agency said. Yoon cited a high number of impeachment votes and other obstructionist moves by the DP as part of his justification for trying to impose martial law. He also later said it was needed to investigate questions over election security. The vote to determine Han's fate comes as the Constitutional Court is set to hold its first hearing in a case that will decide whether Yoon is reinstated or permanently removed from office. The court has 180 days to decide whether to reinstate Yoon or remove him. In the latter scenario, a new presidential election would be held within 60 days. Yoon is not required to attend the hearing, and it is unclear if anyone from his legal team will be there. In contrast to South Korea's two previous impeached presidents, Yoon has refused to receive or acknowledge court communications so far. On Thursday a court spokesperson said the hearing would be held regardless of his team's participation, but she did not comment on whether the president would eventually be compelled to respond. If Han is impeached, the finance minister will assume the acting presidency. The Democratic Party has majority control of parliament, but there is disagreement between the parties and some constitutional scholars over whether a simple majority or a two-thirds vote is needed to impeach the acting president. On Thursday the South Korean won weakened to its lowest since March 2009 in holiday-thinned trading amid the U.S. dollar's continued rally. Analysts said there was little to reverse the negative sentiment stemming from political uncertainty this week, while the strong dollar has not worked in favour of South Korean stocks. Yoon shocked his country and the world with a late-night announcement on Dec. 3 that he was imposing martial law to overcome political deadlock and root out "anti-state forces". The military deployed special forces to the national assembly, the election commission, and the office of a liberal YouTube commentator. It also issued orders banning activity by parliament and political parties, as well as calling for government control of the military. But within hours 190 lawmakers had defied the cordons of troops and police and voted against Yoon's order. About six hours after his initial decree, the president rescinded the order. Yoon survived a first impeachment vote on Dec. 7 after his party boycotted the motion, but divisions within his conservative camp deepened after he gave a defiant speech defending martial law, questioning the validity of elections, and claiming domestic opponents were aligned with North Korea. At least 12 of his party joined the opposition to support impeachment on Dec. 14, and he was suspended from duties. Yoon and senior members of his administration also face criminal investigations for insurrection over their decision to impose martial law. Sign up here. Writing by Josh Smith; Editing by Clarence Fernandez Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles. , opens new tab

Acclaim Autism Announces the Opening of New ABA Therapy Center for Children with AutismCrypto industry jockeys for seats at Trump's promised councilI’m interviewing for my dream job. What are hiring managers looking for right now?

Stock market today: Losses for Big Tech pull US indexes lowerIn recent years, there has been a noticeable trend of chain hotels expanding into county towns, aiming to tap into new markets and capitalize on the growing tourism industry. The question remains, however, whether investing in a hotel in a county town is a lucrative opportunity or a risky venture. This article will explore the potential profitability of opening a hotel in a county town and the benefits and challenges of expanding chain brands into new blue oceans.

WASHINGTON — I watched Yitzhak Rabin die on a dot matrix printer on a Saturday night in London. It was November 1995, and I was working for The Associated Press. Breaking news arrived in bursts of urgent updates spit out by clunky printers. That night, my colleague in Jerusalem, Gwen Ackerman, filed reports about shots fired at a peace rally in Tel Aviv. By the time Rabin’s death was confirmed, I had already booked a flight to Israel. The following days were a blur of chaos and grief. In the AP bureau in Jerusalem, phones rang incessantly, and snippets of breaking news filled the air: the assassin was a Bar Ilan University student, King Hussein of Jordan would attend the funeral, Leah Rabin addressed mourners outside her home. I filed numerous stories during that week, but what lingers most is the story another reporter refused to write. In the midst of the newsroom’s frenzy, gossip circulated about a reporter, not at the AP, who refused to cover Rabin’s assassination. He filed a report that made no mention of it. Someone called to confront him, and he simply stated it was his choice not to report on the event. Then he hung up. His refusal haunted me. At the time, I couldn’t fathom it. Rabin’s death shattered me — a hero of Israel’s founding, a man who had once shown me kindness, murdered by one of his own. My reflex was to report on the aftermath, as though chronicling Israel’s heartbreak was akin to writing a weather report. But what if the reporter’s retreat was as valid as my instinct to bear witness? This tension — to witness or to turn away — has defined my career. It blazed anew for me on Oct. 7, 2023, during the Hamas attack on Israel. I was in Shenandoah National Park when I woke to my phone buzzing with anguished texts from family in Israel and an alert from the prime minister’s office: “Israel is at war.” I was JTA’s only available Hebrew-speaking, non-Shabbat-observant reporter. Packing my laptop, I trudged through the drizzle to the main lodge, where the Wi-Fi was strong. In the lodge, I listened to Kan Reshet Bet on my headphones. A man tracked his kidnapped wife and children in Gaza via an app. A woman whispered from a safe room, hanging up abruptly when voices encroached. Around me, families in puffy vests and sweaters ordered hot chocolate and worked on jigsaw puzzles. They waited for the rain to subside so they could hike. I have often thought of the reporter who chose not to cover Rabin’s assassination. As I approach retirement, I wonder: When does the privilege of bearing first witness become a burden too great to bear? And yet, how can I, as a Jewish journalist, turn away from history’s call? Jewish reporters occupy a unique space. Our history demands that we chronicle unimaginable horrors, yet the act of bearing witness exacts a heavy toll. This tension is as ancient as our people. Shelomoh bar Shimshon, who chronicled the Rhineland massacres of 1096, asked, “Why did the skies not darken and the stars not dim?” He likened the mass suicides of Jews facing Crusaders to the binding of Isaac, sacrifices beyond comprehension. Today, Jewish reporters must continue to bear witness to the unbearable. In January, I received an Israeli army alert naming a fallen soldier: Amichai Oster, the son of my former colleague Marcy, with whom I had worked for years at JTA. Amichai had stayed with us over the summer. In Ynet, Marcy described why reciting Hallel, the liturgy of praise, had become impossible for her. “Right now the words get stuck in my throat,” she wrote. Her resilience inspires me. The impulse to step back from Jewish tragedy is not new. Daniel Schorr, one of JTA’s most famous alumni, left in 1941, weary of reporting on the Holocaust’s unfolding horrors. “The distaste of digesting for JTA’s readers the news of the emerging Holocaust, combined with what he saw as the blinkered parochialism of Jewish news, led him to quit,” I wrote when he died in 2010. Schorr’s frustration resonates. Jewish media walk a fine line between preparing readers for harsh realities and preserving their morale. At JTA, we face this dilemma daily, navigating pressing questions in our newsroom deliberations. How alarming should our coverage be? Was this an antisemitic attack or just an attack? How do we balance accountability with sensitivity when covering Israel’s actions? The questions are endless, the answers elusive. Despite the challenges, I have found meaning in reporting Jewish stories. There is sweetness in tracking the acceptance of Jewish thought in American politics or chronicling cultural icons like Bob Dylan and Leonard Cohen. Yet the deeper resonance comes from grappling with the hard stories: the AIPAC espionage case, the Pittsburgh synagogue shooting, the Charlottesville march, and the perpetual reckoning with antisemitism. In these moments, I have seen the profound impact of Jewish identity on decision-making. Bethany Mandel’s resilience after her conversion rabbi filmed her and more than 150 others in the mikveh; Laura Moser’s decision to move her family to Berlin after encountering pervasive antisemitism in her congressional campaign and Jake Tapper’s public invocation of biblical commandments during Donald Trump’s impeachment hearings — these stories highlight the strength and complexity of Jewish life. As I step away from daily reporting, I carry these stories with me. The burden of bearing witness is immense, but the privilege is equally profound. To chronicle Jewish history is to be part of an ancient continuum. Despite the pain, despite the doubt, I have always chosen to bear witness. Now, as I step off the beat that has defined my career and into retirement, I am reassured that my colleagues will continue to make that choice, however difficult it may be at times. For how could we not? The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of JTA or its parent company, 70 Faces Media. For more content, go to jta.org.

No. 1 South Carolina Stunned In Upset Loss On SundayOne of the standout moments of Benitez's tenure at Chelsea came in a thrilling 4-3 victory over Manchester United at Stamford Bridge. The game showcased the team's attacking prowess and ability to compete with the best teams in the league. It was a statement of intent from a side that was beginning to believe in its own abilities under the guidance of their astute manager.

Xiao Hua's ability to give a 30-minute haircut without losing a single hair has set a new standard for precision and excellence in the world of hairstyling. His dedication to his craft and attention to detail have earned him both praise and admiration from fans and industry professionals alike.In response to the ticketing issues and retirement ticket storm, organizers of the Wu Bai Rock Opera Nanjing Station concert have issued a statement urging fans to exercise caution when purchasing tickets. They have advised concertgoers to only buy tickets from authorized sellers and to verify the authenticity of their tickets to avoid falling victim to scams or fraud.

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