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Save Log in , register or subscribe to save articles for later. Save articles for later Add articles to your saved list and come back to them any time. Got it Normal text size Larger text size Very large text size Back when he lived in Newtown, Alan Jones had a wall covered in photographs of himself with the Pick and Stick crew. There were football players, political allies, celebrities and billionaires; the “Moses of the airwaves” had cultivated a powerful fellowship over his first 20-odd years on air, and still had half his radio career to run. Yet even then, some in his orbit had misgivings about getting too close to Jones. “The last place you wanted to end up was on his wall,” said one. Being close to Jones was, as one former staffer put it, “an exhausting thing”. It was like being smiled upon by a capricious emperor. The anointed ones, who ranged from sports stars to musicians to prime ministers and premiers, were graced with favours and largesse. But they had to pay homage or risk it all. Jones’ warning that a failure to respond to a request would “be the end of our friendship”, was ominous indeed. This patronage was one of myriad ways Jones transformed himself from an everyday shock jock into The Man Who Ran Sydney. In the era when talkback was king and he had a 20 per cent audience share, he used his intellect, charisma and money to exploit the platform like no one else. “His power isn’t explained by the size of his audience,” says Chris Masters, author of Jonestown . “It’s explained more by how he used it as leverage to advocate for his own interests and the interests of his powerful mates.” For decades, power protected Jones. He bullied his staff, bulldozed elected officials, and was perceived to favour handsome young men. Few were game to challenge him. Those who did paid the price. Jones was a man “drunk on power”, said one former staffer, and he “did not know when to stop”. But his grip loosened as society changed and Jones refused to change with it, as advertisers became reluctant to align themselves with his increasingly fringe views, and as movements such as #MeToo put the anatomy of power under the microscope. Power protected Alan Jones, seen here departing after giving evidence during the inquiry into Cash for Comment. Credit: Brendan Esposito Last year, Jones faced his own reckoning. The Herald’s chief investigative reporter Kate McClymont revealed allegations that he had used his power for sexual gratification, by groping and indecently assaulting young men, including one of his producers, without their consent. One of the men, who has since died, alleged that he “forces himself on young men and uses his power in a predatory way”. Another man, an employee, says he was groped by Jones. “He knew I wasn’t gay so it was about power dynamics,” he said. Police investigated. This week, Jones was charged with 26 offences involving nine alleged victims. He says he is innocent. The charges are before the courts. Advertisement When one family contacted police a few years ago to raise allegations that Jones had indecently touched a relative, the officers were blunt. It would be the word of a social colossus against that of an ordinary person. Jones was not, the family recalled one of them saying, “Joe Blow from Bunnings”. Talkback radio used to be the only way ordinary people could speak directly to politicians, even if the microphone was controlled by the host. It was a win-win; listeners on so-called Struggle Street could get their problems addressed, politicians could talk directly to the people, and broadcasters were the powerbroker in the middle. “Forget the press gallery,” prime minister Paul Keating once said. “If you educate [broadcaster] John Laws, you educate Australia.” Articulate, relentless, merciless Jones outclassed all his rivals when he first fired up on air in 1985. He was an unlikely success story; a cross between a priest and a schoolmaster, who would sermonise and patronise in a voice so grating he was nicknamed The Parrot. Yet listeners loved it. “He played all the tabloid tricks,” says Masters. “Flatter your public, tell them ‘my listeners are my best researchers’. He ended up generating a kind of cultist following.” He slept three hours a day and seemed to devote the remaining 21 to work. He’d insist that his office reply to every letter. He’d often dictate them himself to his typist. In 1999, he wrote 3000 letters to government in eight months, the Herald learnt under freedom of information laws. Almost 140 of those were to the prime minister, premier, and a handful of ministers. He expected recipients to reply promptly. Failure to do so risked an on-air dressing down. Premiers and prime ministers would put a staff member in charge of responding within 24 hours. They were dubbed the Minister for Alan Jones. Alan Jones was a prolific correspondent with prime ministers, premiers and government ministers. Credit: Dallas Kilponen The line between policy and personal blurred. Once, he was pulled over by NSW Police highway patrol on a trip to Canberra and didn’t realise he was crossing two lanes of the Hume to get to the kerb. He was almost hit by a truck. The next day, he wrote to then-police minister Paul Whelan, attempting to get the “cowboy” officer sacked. “I’m sick and tired of defending the police force when it’s peopled by yahoos like this,” he wrote. Advertisement He would text politicians at all hours, furiously criticising their decisions and offering unsolicited advice about how those decisions would end in disaster. Once, he flamed a senior NSW minister for what he described as unforgivable ignorance. “Who the f--- do you think you are?” the radio broadcaster told the elected member of parliament. A response that pleased him could lead to benevolence. Another letter, obtained by The Guardian under a similar FOI request 20 years later, involved a back-and-forth with then-Coalition sports minister Stuart Ayres about a sailing issue. Jones approved of Ayres’ actions. “That’s why you are a very good minister,” he wrote. “Is everything OK in the electorate? Yell out if I can help. With best wishes, Alan.” Many argue Jones, himself a failed political candidate for the Liberal Party, was only able to hold so much power because politicians surrendered it to him. Yet those who resisted grovelling found themselves in a bind. “It wasn’t that the ministers lacked courage,” said one former senior NSW Coalition minister. “It’s that you couldn’t convince a cabinet or party room to stand up to him too.” Taking on Jones about one thing meant the broadcaster would attack everything else that minister tried to do. “It subverted your ability to do other things,” he said. “It wasn’t worth the fight.” When Coalition premier Mike Baird backflipped on his plan to shut down greyhound racing after a sustained campaign by Jones, he was photographed arriving at Jones’ apartment at Circular Quay for a dinner of humble pie to win back support. Jones told his listeners the next day that the government would receive “full marks” from him if it reversed the ban. Opposition Leader Tony Abbott with broadcaster Alan Jones after he addressed a rally in Canberra. Credit: Andrew Meares Jones would frequently shower praise on his long-time friend Tony Abbott: the broadcaster was one of two speakers at an event last year marking 10 years since Abbott became prime minister. When Abbott was in the top job, Jones would send him a weekly missive with about 30 dot points, offering advice, warnings, and tips on who was white-anting him, said one person close to him. Staff heard him dictate a sign-off: “Go for the jugular, Tony.” Abbott denies the story. “Mr Abbott ran his own political strategy and famously wrote his own speeches and personally signed off his own media releases,” said a spokesman. Politicians found their own ways of managing him. “There were certain techniques that worked with Alan, like going into the studio in person,” the former minister said. “It was harder for him to be mean to you if you were right in front of him. Colleagues used to say they would take a young male staffer with them [to put Jones in a good mood], like a burnt offering. Writing him a handwritten note; he’d write to you, and what I learnt was that you had to write back yourself, and give him answers to keep him [from speaking about the issue on radio].” Advertisement The aim was to keep their issue off-air, said the politician. Being lauded could be as dangerous as being rubbished. “If you got praised by him, it was probably because you leaked to him, so your colleagues would be suspicious – and generally rightly so. Alan never did anything without a reason.” Jones might have left politicians so intimidated that they couldn’t sleep before an interview, but no one was more attuned to the vagaries of his mood than those who worked for him. The former teacher and rugby union coach was an exacting boss. One producer remembers sitting in the car park before work in the wee hours of the morning, wondering if he could face it all again that day. “I don’t think he ever said hello to me in all the years I worked for him,” he said. “Every day started with incredible tension.” For their first six months, Jones would put a new producer to a kind of loyalty test involving verbal abuse and the rubbishing of their work. “It was routine humiliation,” said one. Once, when Jones was dissatisfied with the performance of his staff, he made them write to the finance department to say they didn’t deserve to be paid for their day’s work. Another time, Jones found some faxes that had not been replied to, and made staff cancel leave to write back. Alan Jones was a money spinner who called the shots at the stations that employed him. Credit: Nick Moir “The way he blew up at people was a craft,” said another former producer, who – like many people interviewed for this story – spoke on the condition of anonymity because he still feared Jones’ impact on his career. “He never swore, but it was an articulate spray that was like being lashed by lightning. It was personal, it was cruel, it was demeaning. But it wasn’t someone losing control. The sprays were directed at staff, at salespeople, at CEOs. There was no one at 2GB that Jones felt he couldn’t stand over.” Jones was the station’s money-spinner. “What he wanted, he got,” says Mike Carlton, who worked with Jones at 2UE before the breakfast presenter jumped ship to 2GB. “He would just send in his manager, ‘Alan wants this, Alan wants this done’, and management would cave because they were desperate to keep him on side.” Working for Jones was intense. Yet Jones kept staff loyal, partly with occasional explosions of generosity. A Christmas card with $500 inside. Tickets to Wimbledon. A lavish dinner. There was also the sense that, beyond the bullying, the program was doing some good. “A lot of the stuff he pointed out related to stupid government policy, and a lot of it ended up benefiting people who deserved a result,” said a former producer. “That’s where it gets a little bit tricky; without an aggressive champion, they would never have got the result they deserved.” Advertisement Many wondered what drove him so relentlessly. It wasn’t money for its own sake; those close to him estimate he has given away millions over the years. He would pay friends’ children’s school fees, give them money to buy their first property, cover their health bills. He still pays for the reunions of school football teams he coached in the 1960s. “He’d give it to people who were broke, who needed money for legal fees,” said one person who worked with Jones. He would also allow people to stay in his opulent homes, in Sydney, the Southern Highlands, Brisbane and the Gold Coast. The guest list raised eyebrows; one former producer recalls dropping some briefs over and meeting the “procession of [male] athletes who would stay there”, he says. “Many of them were emotionally needy; quite a few had come from broken homes, and didn’t have supportive family relationships. There was a bit of a theme going through that. Part of it was he didn’t want to be alone.” Jones’ sexuality was scuttlebutt for decades, raised publicly only in double entendre. Jones never commented, not even after being arrested in a London public toilet – that was also a gay beat – for “outraging public decency” (he was cleared). He once told this masthead’s David Leser that he didn’t “believe people should be asked to [comment] in relation to their private lives”. But many, like Masters, believe Jones’ sexuality may be key to understanding his accumulation of power. He grew up in Queensland when homosexuality was illegal, and moved in worlds in which it was spurned, such as schoolboys’ boarding houses when he was a teacher, and rugby union when he was a coach. “There were good reasons for him to don the mask,” says Masters. “We’ve seen this in other powerful men from that era, the power base was built around them as a protective screen. It’s the manipulations – where to go, who you know, who can pull strings – that keeps you safe.” As his power grew, Jones became complacent. His staff and his acolytes were afraid to challenge him. He didn’t verify information he’d been given before presenting it on air, and got things wrong. The end began with his 2012 attacks on Julia Gillard – who stood opposite his good friend Abbott in the parliamentary chamber – when he said she should be tied in a chaff bag and dumped at sea. Within a week of The Sunday Telegraph reporting Jones’ comments to a Young Liberal dinner that Gillard’s father, who had passed away not long before, had “died of shame”, around 70 advertisers backed away from his show and Mercedes-Benz confiscated Jones’ $250,000 sponsored car. Jones apologising for his remarks about Julia Gillard's father dying of shame in 2012. Credit: Dean Sewell The editor who published The Sunday Telegraph ’s story, Neil Breen – who is now a television reporter for Nine, owner of this masthead – paid the price for challenging Jones. “From that day on, it always had an effect on my career,” he said. It angered some of Jones’ supporters at News Limited. It prompted Jones to run interference when Breen worked in radio. It disrupted relationships that still haven’t recovered. “You were just up against forces,” he said. “He was a significant foe.” Advertisement Jones’ final, self-inflicted blow came in 2019, when he told then-prime minister Scott Morrison to “shove a sock” down the throat of New Zealand’s then-prime minister, Jacinda Ardern. The condemnation was swift and significant, and advertisers – whose business covered his $4 million salary – fled. Jones was already on thin ice due to his alliances with fringe politicians such as then-MP Craig Kelly, and a mammoth defamation payout for blaming a family for the deadly Grantham floods. He resigned from 2GB in 2021. Without his platform, Jones’ power rapidly dwindled. Even if he had stayed on air, his influence may not have protected him from the indecent assault allegations. Over the past decade, abuse of power accusations have all but ended the careers of other once-untouchable men even if they are eventually cleared, like the late cardinal George Pell. The world has changed. Power is a less effective cocoon. While speaking up still requires enormous courage, victims are no longer stigmatised. Where allegations of predatory behaviour were once stifled, police now take so-called silent crimes seriously. Where stars were once allowed to behave as they wanted as long as they brought in money, companies must now actively protect their workers. Loading “There’s been a very important shift in how we operate as a society,” says academic and former journalist Catharine Lumby, who once had a piece critiquing Jones pulled when she wrote for The Bulletin , which was owned by Jones’ good friend Kerry Packer. “The avenues of survivors of assault and harassment are more educated; there’s been a sea change in attitudes.” Those who knew Jones say he would have stayed in front of a microphone until he died if he could have, holding on to the power that kept him safe and the busyness that kept him from introspection. The haunted, brilliant, flawed man “was scared of what came next”, says a former staffer. “He didn’t want any time to look in the mirror. He wanted to fill every day so there was no time for self-reflection.” Start the day with a summary of the day’s most important and interesting stories, analysis and insights. Sign up for our Morning Edition newsletter .New high-tech cameras on Perth roads ‘not revenue-raisers’, safety tsar saysPresident-elect Donald Trump’s lawyers urge judge to toss his hush money conviction

Alarm grew in France on Friday over the fate of a prominent French-Algerian novelist detained in the country of his birth, with his publisher urging his immediate release and President Emmanuel Macron closely following the case. Boualem Sansal, a major figure in francophone modern literature, is known for his strong stances against both authoritarianism and Islamism as well as being a forthright campaigner on freedom of expression issues. His detention by Algeria comes against a background of tensions between France and its former colony which have also appear to have spread to the literary world. The 75-year-old writer, granted French nationality this year, was on Saturday arrested at Algiers airport after returning from France, according to several media reports including the Marianne weekly. The Gallimard publishing house, which has published his work for a quarter of a century, in a statement expressed "its very deep concern following the arrest of the writer by the Algerian security services", calling for his "immediate release". There has been no confirmation from the Algerian authorities of his arrest and no other details about his situation. Macron is "very concerned by the disappearance" of Sansal, said a French presidential official, asking not to be named. "State services are mobilised to clarify his situation," the official said, adding that "the president expresses his unwavering attachment to the freedom of a great writer and intellectual." A relative latecomer to writing, Sansal turned to novels in 1999 and has tackled subjects including the horrific 1990s civil war between authorities and Islamists. His books are not banned in Algeria but he is a controversial figure, particularly since making a visit to Israel in 2014. Sansal's hatred of Islamism has not been confined to Algeria and he has also warned of a creeping Islamisation in France, a stance that has made him a favoured author of prominent figures on the right and far-right. Prominent politicians from this side of the political spectrum rushed to echo Macron's expression of concern for the writer. Centre-right former premier and candidate in 2027 presidential elections Edouard Philippe wrote on X that Sansal "embodies everything we cherish: the call for reason, freedom and humanism against censorship, corruption and Islamism." Far-right figurehead Marine Le Pen, another possible 2027 contender, said: "This freedom fighter and courageous opponent of Islamism has reportedly been arrested by the Algerian regime. This is an unacceptable situation." In 2015, Sansal won the Grand Prix du Roman of the French Academy, the guardians of the French language, for his book "2084: The End of the World", a dystopian novel inspired by George Orwell's "Nineteen-Eighty Four" and set in an Islamist totalitarian world in the aftermath of a nuclear holocaust. His publisher said that Sansal's novels and essays "exposed the obscurantisms of all kinds which are tragically affecting the way of the world." The concerns about his reported arrest come as another prominent French-Algerian writer Kamel Daoud is under attack over his novel "Houris", which won France's top literary prize, the Goncourt. A woman has claimed the book was based on her story of surviving 1990s Islamist massacres and used without her consent. She alleged on Algerian television that Daoud used the story she confidentially recounted to a therapist -- who is now his wife -- during treatment. His publisher has denied the claims. The controversies are taking place in a tense diplomatic context between France and Algeria, after Macron renewed French support for Moroccan sovereignty over the disputed territory of Western Sahara during a landmark visit to the kingdom last month. Western Sahara, a former Spanish colony, is de facto controlled for the most part by Morocco. But it is claimed by the Sahrawi separatists of the Polisario Front, who are demanding a self-determination referendum and are supported by Algiers. Daoud meanwhile has called for Sansal's release, writing in the right-wing Le Figaro: "I sincerely hope that my friend Boualem will return to us very soon", while expressing his bafflement in the face of the "imprudence" that Sansal allegedly showed in going to Algeria. dax-vl-sjw/givNEW ORLEANS , Dec. 3, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Locally , the leading technology solution bridging online and offline retail since 2014, today debuted the first Omni-Seller Marketplace (OSM) in partnership with Trek Bicycle , a global leader in the cycling industry. Locally's OSM platform enables manufacturers to develop a robust brand-centric shopping journey unifying every possible channel with an unlimited number of sellers. "Trek, one of our most forward-thinking and longest-standing partners, has built its brand on pioneering technology and delivering exceptional customer service," said Mike Massey , CEO and founder of Locally. "Together, we've crafted a solution that elevates the shopping experience and strengthens Trek's relationships with independent dealers worldwide. Consumers are now in full control, enjoying the most seamless online-to-offline shopping experience in the market." Multi-channel, multi-seller marketplaces are far more popular with online shoppers than single-brand sites. Marketplaces like Amazon, Etsy, and Walmart now account for over 63% of all online sales. For Trek, the OSM platform seamlessly integrates all of their bike and accessory brands with real-time inventory from local independent bike dealers (IBDs), creating the ultimate shopping destination for online bike buyers. By using Locally's OSM platform, Trek brings together the shopper journey across multiple brands, multiple channels, and multiple sellers across the globe. Locally's OSM platform empowers Trek to create the best in class retail solution by merging Trek's functionality within the OSM headless platform. Designed to meet the demands of today's digitally savvy consumers, OSM enables a fluid, unified shopping journey across online and in-store channels whether customers shop online, use BOPIS (Buy Online, Pickup In-Store), local delivery, or simply visit local stores directly. With its global presence, OSM provides Trek with proprietary tools to deepen customer loyalty and remove barriers, ensuring every interaction strengthens the consumer's relationship with the Trek brand. "At Trek, we're dedicated to making our brand accessible to cyclists everywhere," said Steve Novoselac , vice president of IT and digital at Trek. "With Locally's support, we launched 'Consumer Choice' on trekbikes.com, a marketplace combining local store inventory with our full product range, all in one unified shopping experience. The Locally partnership strengthens Trek's commitment to serving customers across all channels, making trekbikes.com the ultimate resource for every cyclist." Massey continued, "By partnering with Locally, Trek provides shoppers with a nearly omnipresent shopping experience, stitching together local pickup and e-commerce options into a single, bike-buying experience. Shoppers don't have to choose between online and nearby or DTC and IBD. All options are always available in the Omni-Seller Marketplace. By providing unlimited choices for shoppers, Trek can simultaneously support their bike-riding (B2C) and bike-selling (B2B) customers." In addition, the OSM platform provides brands with tools for coordinating different fulfillment channels, mixed-cart shopping, and ensuring easy payments to local dealers through Locally's Cart API. The platform gives consumers the option to check local inventory before making a purchase and to choose their preferred payment and the fulfillment method that best suits their lifestyle. For more information, visit: https://join.locally.com/ About Trek Bicycle Trek Bicycle is a global leader in the design and manufacturing of bicycles and related products. Trek believes the bicycle can be a simple solution to many of the world's most complex problems and is committed to breaking down the barriers that prevent people from using bicycles more often for transportation, recreation, and inspiration. About Locally Locally creates an integrated shopping experience for consumers by bridging online and offline retail. With tech implemented by over 1,000 major brands, Locally is the industry leader in online-to-offline shopping solutions. Locally's tools are powered by real-time inventory from over 47,000 retailers worldwide and are utilized by more than 55 million shoppers every month. To learn more about Locally's online-to-offline shopping solutions, visit join.locally.com. SOURCE Locally

Elon Musk admits H1-B visas are ‘broken’ and need ‘major reform’ shortly after vowing to ‘go to war on this issue’

hen the counting of votes begins on November 23, Congress and the Deshmukh family will be hoping to maintain their stronghold in Latur City, a key constituency in Maharashtra's Marathwada region. Amit Deshmukh, the three-term Congress MLA and son of former Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh is up against Archana Patil Chakurkar, a BJP candidate and the daughter-in-law of Shivraj Patil Chakurkar, a former Union Home Minister. Latur, a Congress stronghold, is witnessing a rare clash of dynastic politics. Amit Deshmukh, a prominent figure in the Congress and a torchbearer of his father’s legacy, has represented the constituency for three terms. His legacy, built on his father’s stature and his own tenure as Medical Education Minister in the Uddhav Thackeray-led government, has made him a key Congress leader in the region. However, Archana Patil Chakurkar is an influential Lingayat community where the Lingayat community constitutes over 20% of the electorate. Her father Shivraj Patil Chakurkar held the Latur Lok Sabha seat for seven terms till 2004, when he lost to the BJP candidate. Despite the growing competition, Congress is counting on the enduring legacy of Vilasrao Deshmukh, a five-term MLA and two-term Chief Minister, who dominated the Latur region for decades. His death in 2012 left a void, but his sons Amit and Dhiraj, along with his younger brother Diliprao Deshmukh, continue to carry his political torch. Amit Deshmukh’s close association with the region’s Maratha community and his stature as a senior Congress leader have kept him in the limelight.

The state’s top road safety bureaucrat has rejected suggestions that new high-tech cameras that can catch wrongdoers on West Australian roads en masse are revenue-raisers. Road Safety Commissioner Adrian Warner joined Road Safety Minister David Michael on Monday to announce the rollout of the six mobile cameras from Australia Day. Road Safety Commissioner Adrian Warner and Road Safety Minister David Michael. The smart cameras, leased for five years at a cost of $22 million, can easily spot motorists using their phones or driving without a seatbelt and will be deployed to deter the behaviours that make up a large reason for so many of the fatalities on WA roads. A camera pointed at just one lane on the Kwinana Freeway near Salter Point last month spotted more than 6300 people using their mobiles while driving, and 5100 not wearing their seatbelts. Had that camera been used to issue fines, it could have netted the Road Trauma Trust account anywhere from $5 million to $10 million, depending on the severity of the offences. The rollout of the new cameras will coincide with a three-month grace period where motorists breaking the law will be issues with a caution instead of a fine. Warner said this demonstrated the cameras were not about revenue-raising, but changing behaviours. “It’s anything but revenue raising, that’s why we’re doing caution notices,” he said. “This is about drivers changing their behaviour. We have a culture problem. We need to address it, and these cameras are the first step in doing that.” Warner said 99 per cent of people wore seatbelts, but 20 per cent of people who died in crashes weren’t wearing seatbelts. Loading “That should tell you something,” he said. The announcement comes as WA records its worst road toll in almost 10 years, with 182 deaths. Michael said in this context now was the time for the technology to become a vital and permanent tool to be used across the state. “The message is clear and simple: these cameras are coming, slow down, buckle up and put your phone away,” he said. Start the day with a summary of the day’s most important and interesting stories, analysis and insights. Sign up for our Morning Edition newsletter . Save Log in , register or subscribe to save articles for later. License this article Road safety Roads Hamish Hastie is WAtoday's state political reporter and the winner of five WA Media Awards, including the 2023 Beck Prize for best political journalism. Connect via Twitter or email . Most Viewed in Politics Loading

The trials and tribulations of preparing the white paperWINNIPEG — A Winnipeg man has been extradited to New Jersey to face a murder charge in the death of a woman in 1997. Robert Allen Creter, who is 60, faces a first-degree murder charge in the death of 23-year-old Tamara Tignor, whose body was found on a dirt access road near Washington Valley Park. Officials believe she was strangled. Prosecutors say a break in the long-unsolved case came last year, when evidence originally collected was resubmitted for DNA testing that was not technologically possible at the time. They say that pointed them to Creter, who had moved to Winnipeg in 2002. Creter was arrested in June and held in custody until his extradition. He was transferred last week to the United States Marshals Service at the Winnipeg airport, and officials say he is being held in custody pending a detention hearing. “The arrest of a suspect in this decades-old case is a testament to the unwavering dedication of law enforcement to seek justice, no matter how much time has passed,” Col. Patrick Callahan with the New Jersey State Police said in a news release. Tignor disappeared after getting into a van. The investigation is ongoing and officials would not say whether she and the accused knew each other or comment on a possible motive. A prosecutor told reporters Monday that Tignor's mother had been hoping for a breakthrough. "Tammy's mom called our office on Nov. 4 of every year — the anniversary of Tammy's death — looking for an update," said Somerset County assistant prosecutor Mike McLaughlin. This report by The Canadian Press was first published Dec. 3, 2024. Steve Lambert, The Canadian Press

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By David Lawder WASHINGTON (Reuters) - U.S. President-elect Donald Trump is widely expected to again turn to a favorite legal tool to underpin threatened tariffs on imports from Mexico, Canada and China: the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, one of several legal avenues to impose his broader tariff agenda. Trump this week fired the first trade-related broadside of his second term - eight weeks before taking office - threatening 25% duties on goods from Mexico and Canada and an additional 10% tariffs on Chinese goods to push them to clamp down on the flow of the deadly opioid fentanyl and illegal migrants into the U.S. Trade lawyers and other experts say there is ample authority for him to move quickly without approval from Congress. Here are the key tools he could use in his sweeping tariff agenda: INTERNATIONAL EMERGENCY ECONOMIC POWERS ACT Trump could declare a national emergency over the fentanyl crisis and the southern U.S. border, which would unlock the use of this statute, enacted in 1977 and updated in 2001 to impose tariffs or financial sanctions. Trump invoked that statute a number of times during his first term, including to back up his threat of a 5% tariff on Mexican goods. He dropped the threat after Mexico vowed to deploy security forces to stem the flow of illegal immigrants into the U.S. The then-Republican president also said the statute gave him the authority to "order" U.S. companies to leave China, and towards the end of his term in August 2020 he invoked the law again in an attempt to ban Chinese-owned video platform TikTok. Congress can revoke the use of the statute by passing a joint declaration of disapproval. "But that's a heavy lift, especially for a Republican Congress" at the start of Trump's term, said Stephen Kho, a trade lawyer at Akin Gump and former China trade enforcement counsel at the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative. Courts have generally upheld challenges to the statute and its predecessor, the 1917 Trading with the Enemy Act, which then-President Richard Nixon invoked in 1971 to impose a 10% supplemental duty on all U.S. imports to ease a balance of payments crisis and push Germany and Japan to revalue their currencies against the dollar. SECTION 232, TRADE EXPANSION ACT OF 1962 Trump has proposed broad 10%-20% tariffs on all U.S. imports. Like Nixon, Trump could invoke the IEEPA for this, but would face a higher standard of defining an "unusual and extraordinary threat" to the national security, foreign policy or economy of the U.S. Trade experts also say Trump could return to the Cold War-era Section 232 statute to underpin broader tariffs, but this would require a new investigation that could take months to complete. Trump invoked Section 232 to impose tariffs of 25% on global steel imports and 10% on aluminum in 2018, but negotiated exemptions for Canada and Mexico a year later that eliminated their retaliatory tariffs on U.S. pork, beef, bourbon and other products. SECTION 301, TRADE ACT OF 1974 Trump is likely to again turn to Section 301, the backbone of his 2018-2020 trade war against China, as he looks to super-size his tariffs on Chinese imports. The statute, which allows the U.S. to retaliate against trading partners' unfair practices, underpinned punitive duties of up to 25% on some $370 billion worth of Chinese imports, from semiconductors to machinery to toys after a USTR investigation found that China was misappropriating U.S. intellectual property and coercing the transfer of U.S. technology to Chinese firms. Trump's newly nominated U.S. trade representative, Jamieson Greer, may be able to modify the existing China Section 301 findings to justify additional tariffs on Chinese goods, as current USTR Katherine Tai did to back President Joe Biden's sharply higher duties on electric vehicles, batteries, semiconductors and solar products. But Greer may also launch a new Section 301 probe into China's state-driven excess industrial capacity - an increasing concern for the U.S. and market economies - and industry-domination practices. While trade lawyers say there is well-documented evidence of such practices, it would take likely several months for a new Section 301 probe to be completed, given the need for public comment periods and hearings. SECTION 122, TRADE ACT OF 1974 Trump could invoke this balance-of-payments statute to impose an additional global U.S. tariff for 150 days to restrict imports in the event of balance-of-payments problems, or to prevent a significant depreciation of the dollar. Congress added this authority as a result of Nixon's 10% tariff action in 1971. But the statute limits the tariff action to 150 days, unless extended by Congress. SECTION 338, TARIFF ACT OF 1930 This anti-discrimination statute remains on the books, though it has not appeared in public government correspondence since the late 1940s. At that time, the U.S. and its trading partners agreed to "bound" global tariff rates under the post-war Global Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, the predecessor to today's World Trade Organization. It would allow Trump to impose additional tariffs of up to 50% on goods from any country that discriminates against U.S. products in a way that puts American goods at a "disadvantage" compared to imports from other countries. (Reporting by David Lawder; Editing by Paul Simao)